All included studies were descriptive or observational and included both quantitative and qualitative research.
Sexual knowledge and behaviour
Research exploring the sexual health knowledge and behaviour of students in the UK is mostly focused on unmarried, young people (aged 13–25 years) in defined geographical areas. These studies, including both survey and/or qualitative data, have consistently demonstrated relatively poor sexual health knowledge among young students. (Testa and Coleman, 2006) Testa and Coleman found poor knowledge in terms of STI name, symptom recognition and means of prevention and identified particular gaps among males and females. French et al. also identified particular knowledge gaps among Bangladeshi and Indian young people and found that school was often the only source of sex and relationships education available as sex was almost never discussed at home. (de Visser, 2010) However, sex and relationships information provided in schools has been found to take little account of faith or cultural issues relevant to these young people and is seldom considered to be a useful source of information. (Griffiths et al. , 2008b).
This may be prominent in South Asian people’s responses where behaviour considered culturally unacceptable may be underreported for fear of adverse judgement. (Ramanathan et al. , 2013) That two of the large surveys were conducted in London only also needs consideration. The consistency of some findings across geographical areas (e. g. Glasgow, Greater London, Birmingham, Manchester) is somewhat reassuring. However, we need to consider possible differences between young people of the same ethnic/cultural background who live in different geographical regions in the UK. Communities often evolve differently in different places and where local ethnic population profiles/compositions vary, friendship group formation and sexual mixing may vary with implications for sexual behavioural risk.
STIs and HIV
Though increasing data are available on the sexual behaviour of students in the UK, there are limited data reporting sexual health outcomes such as STIs. Ethnic origin is not routinely collected in genitourinary medicine (GUM) clinics and there are the aforementioned limitations of definitions and categorisations of ethnicity. Existing data have generally shown lower rates (actual and reported) of STIs in South Asian groups compared to white groups. (Griffiths et al. , 2008a) One GUM clinic study found similar rates of STIs in Bangladeshi attendees as non-Bangladeshi attendees, though this was mainly among individuals born in Bangladesh. Sexual dysfunction and premature ejaculation among some South Asian and Muslim men has been found elsewhere. The reasons behind the sexual dysfunction remain unclear, though possible influences include psychosocial, familial and genetic factors. ‘Dhat syndrome’ or semen loss has also been widely reported as a sexual concern among Indian men. In 2005 in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, 1. 4% (321/22 324) of heterosexuals living with diagnosed HIV were of Indian, Pakistani or Bangladeshi ethnicity. (Dougan et al. , 2005) This rate is low relative to some other population groups, however some suggest that increasing HIV incidence in South Asia combined with migration due to strong familial, social and business links between South Asians in the UK and those of the South Asian region may be cause for concern. (Weston, 2003)
Contraceptive Behaviour
Improving contraceptive uptake and access to services and information among all students and minority ethnic women is part of a national initiative to reduce unintended pregnancy. (Baxter et al. , 2011) There is also a need to ensure individuals have equitable access to a full range of contraceptive methods. Contraceptive surveys conducted in the 1970s and 1980s did not provide data on ethnic background and, in the few studies where ethnicity was referred to, South Asians constituted less than 5% of the study population. (Baxter et al. , 2011) Other studies conducted in the 1980s have involved small, select populations from family planning clinics or ante/postnatal departments and found varying degrees of contraceptive use and variation in the type used. More recent studies have also shown varying levels of contraceptive use among South Asian women but usage has consistently been shown to be lower than for their white counterparts. (McAvoy and Raza, 1988) Some of this survey data does, however, rely on pooled data over several years because of small sample sizes and may therefore have underestimated contraceptive use due to a lack of information about sexual activity. South Asian women, particularly Bangladeshi and Pakistani women, have higher parity than white women and often continue childbearing to older ages. (McAvoy and Raza, 1988) One study found that about a third of married women and half of women over 30 years of age who said that they had completed their families were not using contraception and were therefore at risk of unplanned pregnancy. (Saxena et al. , 2002) In contrast, in the same study, unmarried women (mainly teenagers) were more likely to be using contraception than married women, which indicates that despite cultural expectations of no premarital sex, some young women are sexually active and able to access contraception. However, the sample in this study is small and taken from a general practice and therefore excludes women unable to access health services altogether, including contraception
Access to Services
Although there is Department of Health guidance for developing contraception and sexual health advice services for young people, (Robinson, 2005) there is little research exploring sexual health service use specifically among South Asians in the UK. National routine data collected in family planning and GUM clinics does not include ethnic origin of attendees. The work that has been conducted is qualitative and in the main explores awareness, preference and barriers to service access. Poor awareness of specialist sexual health services (i. e. GUM) is a common theme across studies (Griffiths et al. , 2008a) and many South Asians have expressed the need for more accessible information about services. 4 A case-control study in two London GUM clinics found that South Asians were significantly more likely than controls to have been referred by other medical services rather than self-referred, perhaps reflecting the lack of awareness of services or barriers to access. (Ross et al. , 2006) In terms of service preference, one study found general practice to be the most preferred setting for sexual health care among Indians, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis. Some South Asians have been found to prefer GUM services because they are specialised, however stigma and anxiety of being seen remain consistent themes. In general, for many South Asian communities, faith and cultural values prohibit premarital sex and therefore dialogues around sexual health are deemed unnecessary and irrelevant. (Hennink et al. , 1998)
All included
studies
were descriptive or observational and included both quantitative and qualitative research.
Sexual
knowledge
and
behaviour
Research exploring the
sexual
health
knowledge
and
behaviour
of
students
in the UK is
mostly
focused on unmarried,
young
people
(aged 13–25 years) in defined geographical areas. These
studies
, including both
survey
and/or qualitative
data
, have
consistently
demonstrated
relatively
poor
sexual
health
knowledge
among
young
students
. (
Testa
and Coleman, 2006)
Testa
and Coleman
found
poor
knowledge
in terms of STI name, symptom recognition and means of prevention and identified particular gaps among males and females. French et al.
also
identified particular
knowledge
gaps among Bangladeshi and Indian
young
people
and
found
that school was
often
the
only
source of
sex
and relationships education available as
sex
was almost never discussed at home. (de
Visser
, 2010)
However
,
sex
and relationships
information
provided in schools has been
found
to take
little
account of faith or cultural issues relevant to these
young
people
and is seldom considered to be a useful source of
information
. (Griffiths et al.
,
2008b).
This may be prominent in South Asian
people’s
responses where
behaviour
considered
culturally
unacceptable may
be underreported
for fear of adverse judgement. (
Ramanathan
et al.
,
2013) That two of the large
surveys
were
conducted
in London
only
also
needs
consideration. The consistency of
some
findings across geographical areas (
e. g.
Glasgow, Greater London, Birmingham, Manchester) is somewhat reassuring.
However
, we
need
to consider possible differences between
young
people
of the same ethnic/cultural background who
live
in
different
geographical regions in the UK. Communities
often
evolve
differently
in
different
places and where local
ethnic
population
profiles/compositions vary, friendship
group
formation and
sexual
mixing may vary with implications for
sexual
behavioural
risk
.
STIs and HIV
Though increasing
data
are available on the
sexual
behaviour
of
students
in the UK, there
are limited
data
reporting
sexual
health
outcomes such as STIs.
Ethnic
origin is not
routinely
collected in genitourinary medicine
(GUM)
clinics
and there are the aforementioned limitations of definitions and
categorisations
of ethnicity. Existing
data
have
generally
shown lower rates (actual and reported) of STIs in South Asian
groups
compared to white
groups
. (Griffiths et al.
,
2008a) One
GUM
clinic
study
found
similar rates of STIs in Bangladeshi attendees as non-Bangladeshi attendees, though this was
mainly
among individuals born in Bangladesh.
Sexual
dysfunction and premature ejaculation among
some
South Asian and Muslim
men
has been
found
elsewhere. The reasons behind the
sexual
dysfunction remain unclear, though possible influences include psychosocial, familial and genetic factors. ‘
Dhat
syndrome’ or semen loss has
also
been
widely
reported as a
sexual
concern among Indian
men
. In 2005 in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, 1. 4% (321/22 324) of heterosexuals living with diagnosed HIV were of Indian, Pakistani or Bangladeshi ethnicity. (Dougan et al.
,
2005) This rate is low relative to
some
other
population
groups
,
however
some
suggest that increasing HIV incidence in South Asia combined with migration due to strong familial, social and business links between South Asians in the UK and those of the South Asian region may
be cause
for concern. (Weston,
2003)
Contraceptive
Behaviour
Improving
contraceptive
uptake and
access
to
services
and
information
among all
students
and minority
ethnic
women
is part of a national initiative to
reduce
unintended pregnancy. (Baxter et al.
,
2011) There is
also
a
need
to ensure individuals have equitable
access
to a full range of
contraceptive
methods.
Contraceptive
surveys
conducted
in the 1970s and 1980s did not provide
data
on
ethnic
background and, in the few
studies
where ethnicity
was referred
to, South Asians constituted less than 5% of the
study
population
. (Baxter et al.
,
2011) Other
studies
conducted
in the 1980s have involved
small
, select
populations
from family planning
clinics
or ante/postnatal departments and
found
varying degrees of
contraceptive
use
and variation in the type
used
. More recent
studies
have
also
shown varying levels of
contraceptive
use
among South Asian
women
but
usage has
consistently
been shown
to be lower than for their white counterparts. (
McAvoy
and
Raza
, 1988)
Some
of this
survey
data
does,
however
, rely on pooled
data
over several years
because
of
small
sample sizes and may
therefore
have underestimated
contraceptive
use
due to a lack of
information
about
sexual
activity. South Asian
women
,
particularly
Bangladeshi and Pakistani
women
, have higher parity than white
women
and
often
continue childbearing to older ages. (
McAvoy
and
Raza
, 1988) One
study
found
that about a third of married
women
and half of
women
over 30 years of age who said that they had completed their families were not using
contraception
and were
therefore
at
risk
of unplanned pregnancy. (
Saxena
et al.
,
2002)
In contrast
, in the same
study
, unmarried
women
(
mainly
teenagers
) were more likely to be using
contraception
than married
women
, which indicates that despite cultural expectations of no premarital
sex
,
some
young
women
are
sexually
active and able to
access
contraception
.
However
, the sample in this
study
is
small
and taken from a general practice and
therefore
excludes
women
unable to
access
health
services
altogether, including contraception
Access to Services
Although there is Department of
Health
guidance for developing
contraception
and
sexual
health
advice
services
for
young
people
, (Robinson, 2005) there is
little
research exploring
sexual
health
service
use
specifically
among South Asians in the UK. National routine
data
collected in family planning and
GUM
clinics
does not include
ethnic
origin of attendees. The work that has been
conducted
is qualitative and in the main explores awareness, preference and barriers to
service
access
. Poor awareness of specialist
sexual
health
services
(
i. e.
GUM)
is a common theme across
studies
(Griffiths et al.
,
2008a) and
many
South Asians have expressed the
need
for more accessible
information
about
services
. 4 A case-control
study
in two London
GUM
clinics
found
that South Asians were
significantly
more likely than controls to have
been referred
by other medical
services
rather
than self-referred, perhaps reflecting the lack of awareness of
services
or barriers to
access
. (Ross et al.
,
2006) In terms of
service
preference, one
study
found
general practice to be the most preferred setting for
sexual
health
care among Indians, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis.
Some
South Asians have been
found
to prefer
GUM
services
because
they are
specialised
,
however
stigma and anxiety of being
seen
remain consistent themes.
In general
, for
many
South Asian communities, faith and cultural values prohibit premarital
sex
and
therefore
dialogues around
sexual
health
are deemed
unnecessary and irrelevant. (
Hennink
et al.
,
1998)